PPP nominates Fahmida Mirza for NA Speakership
'Pakistan Times' Parliamentary Correspondent
ISLAMABAD: Pakistan People’s Party Parliamentarians (PPPP) has decided to nominate Dr Fahmida Mirza as candidate for slot of Speaker of the National Assembly while Faisal Kareem Kundi would be candidate for deputy speakership, party sources said Monday.
“Our Parliamentary party has endorsed co-chairman Asif Ali Zardari’s decision to nominate Fahmida Mirza as candidate for the speakership,” sources said.
Dr Fahmida comes from a political family of Sindh.
She is wife of Dr Zulfiqar Mirza, who is a close aide of PPP co-chairman Asif Ali Zardari. She had won February 18 general polls from coastal district of Badin after defeating Bibi Yamin Shah.
The PPP sources said that Dr Fahmida’s nomination would be announced by party co-chairman himself.
Meanwhile, when contacted Fahmida Mirza declined to give comment on her nomination. She said her nomination for Speakership of the National Assembly has not been finalized but the ultimate decision is expected within 24 hours.
“Well, there are three to five candidates in run for speakership and my name is also on the list,” Fahmida Mirza said.
She said PPP has summoned important meeting at Zardari House on Monday evening to discuss nominations for slot of the speaker and other key positions.
“There is no confusion over nomination for candidate of the slot of the Prime Minister and rumours of rift are baseless,” she said, adding, “all the party members would endorse decisions of the party co-chairman.”
Meanwhile, central leader of PPP Syed Khurshid Ahmad Shah disclosed that PPP MNA Faisal Karim Kundi would be candidate of the coalition partners for the slot of Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly.
“MNA Faisal Karim Kundi would be our joint candidate for the slot of Deputy Speaker while the name of candidate for the slot of Speaker would be announced by Monday evening,” said Khurshid Shah while talking to the media outside the chamber of Mian Raza Rabbani, the Opposition Leader in the Senate.
When asked who would be the nominee for the top slot, Shah said the announcement would be made by March 20.
“The future Prime Minister would be announced by March 20. There are four to five candidates for the top slot and the final decision would be taken after consulting the coalition partners,” he said.
When asked did the delay in finalizing the name of future premier suggests any difference within coalition partners, Khurshid Shah said the consultation indicated that the coalition partners were adopting a democratic path.
“When you have three to four coalition partners, you have to consult each party for taking a final decision. The consultation does not mean that the coalition is facing internal rifts,” he concluded.
Young Kundi, who has been elected to the Lower House for the first time, defeated MMA Secretary General Maulana Fazl-ur-Rehman in the election held on Feb 18 from NA-24, D.I.Khan.●
Tuesday, March 18, 2008
Sunday, March 16, 2008
Zardari, Its all in the family, We keep it simple stupid.
Zardari may name sister as interim PM
16 Mar 2008, 0001 hrs IST,ANI
The Times of India
LAHORE: Amid tussle within the Pakistan People's Party over who should be nominated for the post of prime minister, close aides to party's de facto chairman Asif Ali Zardari have reportedly said that he was thinking of nominating his sister Azra Fazal Pechooho as the interim premier.
Quoting the close aides, a BBC report said that as Zardari is not a member of the National Assembly, he could not become premier himself.
In such a situation, he might nominate his sister as a temporary prime minister, said the Daily Times while quoting the BBC report.
Meanwhile, according to another report published in the News, veteran PPP leader Syed Yousuf Raza Gillani, who has so far put himself away from media glare, might emerge as the dark horse and get Zardari's nod for the top post.
"PPP Co-chairman Asif Ali Zardari has told Gillani that he will be the final choice on the conclusion of his ongoing consultations with the MNAs-elect in groups," the party quoted sources in the PPP and the PML-N as saying. A prominent PML-N leader, privy to the consultations with the PPP, also said that Gillani, a former National Assembly speaker, was going to ultimately win the nomination by Zardari.
Echoing same sentiments, a PPP leader said that Gillani had been asked to stay low in the current hullabaloo so that he did not embroil himself in controversies unnecessarily.
16 Mar 2008, 0001 hrs IST,ANI
The Times of India
LAHORE: Amid tussle within the Pakistan People's Party over who should be nominated for the post of prime minister, close aides to party's de facto chairman Asif Ali Zardari have reportedly said that he was thinking of nominating his sister Azra Fazal Pechooho as the interim premier.
Quoting the close aides, a BBC report said that as Zardari is not a member of the National Assembly, he could not become premier himself.
In such a situation, he might nominate his sister as a temporary prime minister, said the Daily Times while quoting the BBC report.
Meanwhile, according to another report published in the News, veteran PPP leader Syed Yousuf Raza Gillani, who has so far put himself away from media glare, might emerge as the dark horse and get Zardari's nod for the top post.
"PPP Co-chairman Asif Ali Zardari has told Gillani that he will be the final choice on the conclusion of his ongoing consultations with the MNAs-elect in groups," the party quoted sources in the PPP and the PML-N as saying. A prominent PML-N leader, privy to the consultations with the PPP, also said that Gillani, a former National Assembly speaker, was going to ultimately win the nomination by Zardari.
Echoing same sentiments, a PPP leader said that Gillani had been asked to stay low in the current hullabaloo so that he did not embroil himself in controversies unnecessarily.
Rift in PPP as Zardari eyes PM's post
Rift in PPP as Zardari eyes PM's post
11 Mar 2008, 0001 hrs IST,TIMES NEWS NETWORK & AGENCIES
The Times of India
ISLAMABAD: Even before a coalition government could be cobbled together in Pakistan, the country's biggest political party, the PPP, seems to be developing cracks over who should be the new prime minister. On Monday, amid rumours that he was planning a meeting with President Pervez Musharraf, the party's leading contender for the post, Makhdoom Amin Fahim, alleged that the PPP co-chairman, Asif Ali Zardari, was planning to install himself as prime minister within three months.
Just one day after the Zardari-led PPP and Nawaz Sharif's PML(N) announced that they were joining hands to form a coalition government on Sunday, the rift in the PPP came out in the open with Fahim hinting that the widower of Benazir Bhutto was eyeing the prime minister's post. Fahim, who was not present at the Zardari-Sharif joint press conference at Murree on Sunday, said that the party co-chairman was planning to appoint someone from Punjab as PM for three months until he enters parliament and takes over power.
According to a report in the News on Monday, Zardari shared his "little secret" with MPs from Hyderabad (Sindh) on the eve of the crucial meeting with Sharif in Murree. However, Fahim, 68, who led the PPP for seven years while Benazir was in exile, rejected news report that he was pulling out of the race. Confirming that he was still a "candidate for the PM's slot", the MP from Sindh hinted that the behind-the-scene political developments in the party were intensifying by the day.
It's basically because of this squabbling for the top post within the PPP that Pakistan is still without a new government even three weeks after the national elections in which the PPP emerged as the single largest party with 88 seats in the National Assembly. But, as the PPP parliamentary group has not elected a leader formally, Musharraf has not invited the party to form the next government. Soon after the election results on February 19, political experts were certain that Fahim would be the next PM as both Zardari and Sharif are at present ineligible for the post.
In fact, shortly after Bhutto's assassination in December last year, Zardari had declared that Fahim would be the party's prime ministerial candidate. However, he changed his mind soon after and talked about a PM from Punjab and senior PPP leaders Yousaf Raza Gillani, Shah Mahmood Qureshi and Chaudhry Ahmed Mukhtar were tipped to be in the race.
According to PPP sources, Zardari has decided to become the candidate for the PM's post, after quietly pitching the top four leaders against each other. One more reason Zardari might opt for a leader from Punjab, according to a source, is to neutralise the dramatic rise of the PPP leader and supreme court bar association president Aitzaz Ahsan on the national scene. Ahsan, who has openly endorsed Fahim for the top job, is himself seen and backed by many for the post, though he has denied that he is in the running.
Ahsan may not be interested in power, but many other leaders are busy in hectic lobbying and deals to be part of the new government. "The PPP has been out of power for 13 years. Now they are itching to get back to power and everyone wants a plum post," says a Lahore-based PPP leader, speaking on the condition of anonymity. With Fahim getting impatient with Zardari, the already tense situation is likely to take a more dramatic turn.
11 Mar 2008, 0001 hrs IST,TIMES NEWS NETWORK & AGENCIES
The Times of India
ISLAMABAD: Even before a coalition government could be cobbled together in Pakistan, the country's biggest political party, the PPP, seems to be developing cracks over who should be the new prime minister. On Monday, amid rumours that he was planning a meeting with President Pervez Musharraf, the party's leading contender for the post, Makhdoom Amin Fahim, alleged that the PPP co-chairman, Asif Ali Zardari, was planning to install himself as prime minister within three months.
Just one day after the Zardari-led PPP and Nawaz Sharif's PML(N) announced that they were joining hands to form a coalition government on Sunday, the rift in the PPP came out in the open with Fahim hinting that the widower of Benazir Bhutto was eyeing the prime minister's post. Fahim, who was not present at the Zardari-Sharif joint press conference at Murree on Sunday, said that the party co-chairman was planning to appoint someone from Punjab as PM for three months until he enters parliament and takes over power.
According to a report in the News on Monday, Zardari shared his "little secret" with MPs from Hyderabad (Sindh) on the eve of the crucial meeting with Sharif in Murree. However, Fahim, 68, who led the PPP for seven years while Benazir was in exile, rejected news report that he was pulling out of the race. Confirming that he was still a "candidate for the PM's slot", the MP from Sindh hinted that the behind-the-scene political developments in the party were intensifying by the day.
It's basically because of this squabbling for the top post within the PPP that Pakistan is still without a new government even three weeks after the national elections in which the PPP emerged as the single largest party with 88 seats in the National Assembly. But, as the PPP parliamentary group has not elected a leader formally, Musharraf has not invited the party to form the next government. Soon after the election results on February 19, political experts were certain that Fahim would be the next PM as both Zardari and Sharif are at present ineligible for the post.
In fact, shortly after Bhutto's assassination in December last year, Zardari had declared that Fahim would be the party's prime ministerial candidate. However, he changed his mind soon after and talked about a PM from Punjab and senior PPP leaders Yousaf Raza Gillani, Shah Mahmood Qureshi and Chaudhry Ahmed Mukhtar were tipped to be in the race.
According to PPP sources, Zardari has decided to become the candidate for the PM's post, after quietly pitching the top four leaders against each other. One more reason Zardari might opt for a leader from Punjab, according to a source, is to neutralise the dramatic rise of the PPP leader and supreme court bar association president Aitzaz Ahsan on the national scene. Ahsan, who has openly endorsed Fahim for the top job, is himself seen and backed by many for the post, though he has denied that he is in the running.
Ahsan may not be interested in power, but many other leaders are busy in hectic lobbying and deals to be part of the new government. "The PPP has been out of power for 13 years. Now they are itching to get back to power and everyone wants a plum post," says a Lahore-based PPP leader, speaking on the condition of anonymity. With Fahim getting impatient with Zardari, the already tense situation is likely to take a more dramatic turn.
Amin Fahim resigns from PS-44
Amin Fahim resigns from PS-44
Sunday, March 16, 2008 GEO TV
ISLAMABAD: Pakistan People’s party (PPP) Vice-Chairman Makhdoom Amin Fahim has sent his resignation from his seat PS-44 to party co-chairman Asif Ali Zardari on Sunday.
According to Geo News, Amin Fahim will keep his seat NA-218.
Makhdoom Amin Fahim further said it is nothing but a rumour that he is no more running for the premiership, adding he is still the candidate for the top position of the country.
‘I am not attempting any division in the party,’ he added.
Sunday, March 16, 2008 GEO TV
ISLAMABAD: Pakistan People’s party (PPP) Vice-Chairman Makhdoom Amin Fahim has sent his resignation from his seat PS-44 to party co-chairman Asif Ali Zardari on Sunday.
According to Geo News, Amin Fahim will keep his seat NA-218.
Makhdoom Amin Fahim further said it is nothing but a rumour that he is no more running for the premiership, adding he is still the candidate for the top position of the country.
‘I am not attempting any division in the party,’ he added.
Friday, March 14, 2008
Zardari is no more Mr 10 Percent
Zardari is no more Mr 10 Percent
etala’at
Zardari is no more Mr 10 Percent
Islamabad, March 14
A court Friday quashed the last outstanding graft charge in Pakistan against the husband of assassinated former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, a lawyer said.
The move could ease tensions between U.S.-backed President Pervez Musharraf and Bhutto's party, which is now led by her widower, Asif Ali Zardari, and won last month's parliamentary elections.
An anti-corruption court acquitted Zardari in the so-called "BMW case" relating to the import of a German limousine.
The court had already dismissed six other graft cases against Zardari under an order passed by Musharraf last year that was supposed to foster political reconciliation.
"After a struggle of 11 years, the state has failed to prove any case against Mr. Zardari," said his attorney, Farooq Naek.
"After a long darkness in the tunnel, the light has come," he told reporters outside the anti-corruption court in Rawalpindi, a city that neighbors the capital, Islamabad.
Zardari took control of Bhutto's party after she was killed in December, making him a key political figure
as Pakistan moves toward democracy after years of military rule.
But Zardari's return to politics is eyed with suspicion by some Pakistanis who see him as a symbol of corruption and misrule that nearly bankrupted Pakistan in the 1990s.
He became known among Pakistanis by the nickname "Mr. Ten Percent" on suspicion he pocketed kickbacks when his wife was in office. He spent years in jail without being convicted and insists the charges were politically motivated.
Now Zardari's Pakistan People's Party is poised to form a coalition government with the party of former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, under whose administration Zardari was jailed.
The PPP won the most seats in Feb. 18 parliamentary elections, routing Musharraf's supporters and triggering calls for the president to step down. Sharif's party came in second.
Parliament is due to convene Monday.
The previously dismissed charges against Zardari included illegal payments relating to the construction of a polo ground inside the prime minister's residence and to the purchase of thousands of Polish tractors.
A money-laundering case is still pending against him in Switzerland Agencies
etala’at
Zardari is no more Mr 10 Percent
Islamabad, March 14
A court Friday quashed the last outstanding graft charge in Pakistan against the husband of assassinated former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, a lawyer said.
The move could ease tensions between U.S.-backed President Pervez Musharraf and Bhutto's party, which is now led by her widower, Asif Ali Zardari, and won last month's parliamentary elections.
An anti-corruption court acquitted Zardari in the so-called "BMW case" relating to the import of a German limousine.
The court had already dismissed six other graft cases against Zardari under an order passed by Musharraf last year that was supposed to foster political reconciliation.
"After a struggle of 11 years, the state has failed to prove any case against Mr. Zardari," said his attorney, Farooq Naek.
"After a long darkness in the tunnel, the light has come," he told reporters outside the anti-corruption court in Rawalpindi, a city that neighbors the capital, Islamabad.
Zardari took control of Bhutto's party after she was killed in December, making him a key political figure
as Pakistan moves toward democracy after years of military rule.
But Zardari's return to politics is eyed with suspicion by some Pakistanis who see him as a symbol of corruption and misrule that nearly bankrupted Pakistan in the 1990s.
He became known among Pakistanis by the nickname "Mr. Ten Percent" on suspicion he pocketed kickbacks when his wife was in office. He spent years in jail without being convicted and insists the charges were politically motivated.
Now Zardari's Pakistan People's Party is poised to form a coalition government with the party of former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, under whose administration Zardari was jailed.
The PPP won the most seats in Feb. 18 parliamentary elections, routing Musharraf's supporters and triggering calls for the president to step down. Sharif's party came in second.
Parliament is due to convene Monday.
The previously dismissed charges against Zardari included illegal payments relating to the construction of a polo ground inside the prime minister's residence and to the purchase of thousands of Polish tractors.
A money-laundering case is still pending against him in Switzerland Agencies
Asfandyar Wali regrets to meet Fahim
Asfandyar Wali regrets to meet Fahim
Friday, March 14, 2008
ISLAMABAD: Awami National Party (ANP) chief Asfandyar Wali has regretted to meet PPP Senior Vice President Makhdoom Amin Fahim, the sources said.
Asfandyar Wali has regretted to meet Makhdoom Amin Fahim today (Friday) due very busy schedule, said the spokesman of ANP Zahid Khan said.
The meeting was part of consultation process for the formation of the new government in the centre and provinces.
Friday, March 14, 2008
ISLAMABAD: Awami National Party (ANP) chief Asfandyar Wali has regretted to meet PPP Senior Vice President Makhdoom Amin Fahim, the sources said.
Asfandyar Wali has regretted to meet Makhdoom Amin Fahim today (Friday) due very busy schedule, said the spokesman of ANP Zahid Khan said.
The meeting was part of consultation process for the formation of the new government in the centre and provinces.
Political chessboard has still been laid: Amin Fahim
Political chessboard has still been laid: Amin Fahim
Friday, March 14, 2008 Geo TV
ISLAMABAD: PPP Senior Vice President Makhdoom Amin Fahim has said that the political chessboard has still been laid.
He stated this while giving joint briefing to media along with Jamiat Ulma-e-Islam (JUI-F) chief Maulana Fazal-u-Rehman after meeting between the two leaders.
Fahim termed said that the meeting was not a political but a personal one. The meeting was said as part of consultation process for the formation of the new government in the centre and provinces.
Referring to meeting with Awami National Party (ANP) chief Asfandyar Wali, Fahim said it was not a fixed meeting.
Friday, March 14, 2008 Geo TV
ISLAMABAD: PPP Senior Vice President Makhdoom Amin Fahim has said that the political chessboard has still been laid.
He stated this while giving joint briefing to media along with Jamiat Ulma-e-Islam (JUI-F) chief Maulana Fazal-u-Rehman after meeting between the two leaders.
Fahim termed said that the meeting was not a political but a personal one. The meeting was said as part of consultation process for the formation of the new government in the centre and provinces.
Referring to meeting with Awami National Party (ANP) chief Asfandyar Wali, Fahim said it was not a fixed meeting.
Pakistan Peoples Party at the crossroads?
Pakistan Peoples Party at the crossroads?
BY DR MOEED PIRZADA
Khaleej Times Online 9 February 2008
THE internal power schisms of ‘Pakistan People Party’ are finally coming to the fore. This gives credence to the dark prophecies of all those pundits who had predicted, immediately after Benazir’s assassination, that Pakistan’s most popular political formation will find it difficult to survive as ‘one’ beyond the immediate needs of the coming elections.
The rot may have been brewing for a while. The natural thought, “what will I get?” must have dominated many minds from the moment they descended upon Naudero and Gari Khuda Baksh to bury the last of the ‘real Bhuttos’. But in recent days the first shot was fired by PPP Senator Dr Babar Awan who issued a statement that no one but the party co-chairman, Asif Ali Zardari, was the right person to be nominated as PPP candidate for prime ministerial slot after the elections.
The good senator was obviously testing the waters for Zardari. It then transpired, from newspapers, that party’s top most leadership has rebuked Awan for giving such a statement in violation of the party’s considered position that such a decision will be taken after the elections. Many wondered: “who is this top leadership?” Fortunately the confusion did not last long.
PPP senior vice chairman, Makhdoom Amin Fahim, emerged on the scene terming Senator Awan’s statements his personal opinions and clarified that only party’s Central Executive Committee (CEC) has the authority to decide upon the matter -- and that too after the elections. Perhaps to add authority to his voice he claimed that he and Asif Ali Zardari were in complete cohesion over the issue.
Makhdoom of Hala might have regretted his words. For soon afterwards Zardari, while talking to the US publication Newsweek, made it clear that he is seriously considering himself for the prime ministerial slot, for he has the “widest name recognition in the party” and “no senior leader apart from him spent eleven years in jail”. Under his directions a copy of the will of Benazir Bhutto was made public to prove, once again, that she had nominated him, and no one else but him, as the acting chairman of the party.
This is now the third time that PPP under Zardari changed its position on the subject: First on 30th December, three days after Ms. Bhutto’s assassination, Zardari had clearly indicated that Makhdoom Amin Fahim, who always lead PPP, in Benazir’s absence, would be the party’s candidate for the prime ministerial slot. A few days later this position was reversed announcing that CEC will decide this after the elections. This in itself was an indication of the growing fault lines.
However, now with Senator Awan’s premonitions, Zardari’s interview in Newsweek followed with the dramatic release of the Bhutto’s ‘political will’ it is abundantly clear that Benazir’s widower is making his moves towards the top slot-albeit cautiously, inch by inch, to make it more palatable. Even in the Newsweek interview he said that he might or might not be the prime ministerial candidate. And since then he has again tried distancing his person from the idea- he has planted himself.
Since Benazir’s assassination, Zardari has not only benefited from a natural wave of sympathy inside Sindh but several of his actions have generated a national goodwill and expanded his political space: his voice of reason and restraint at a time of great commotion in Sindh; his ability to defend the federation; his better command on the use and nuance of Urdu language and his indicating that Makhdoom Amin will be the party’s nominee for the prime ministerial slot all contributed to that.
Yet his, all too visible, desire to become the prime ministerial candidate is something he should better stay away from, in the best interests of his party, country and his family. And there are certain good reasons for that.
Zardari may not be that villainous character many in the media and the government agencies paint him into. Some of those who have interacted with him on an intimate level vouch that he is as normal or unprincipled as any other in Pakistan’s power structure. Yet someone, like him, rooted in reality might be painfully aware of the negative baggage, rightly or wrongly, he carries in Pakistan’s collective consciousness. The attempts of his lawyers and lobbyists to either defend him on the grounds that nothing has been proved or by drawing parallels with the misdeeds of other politicians, bureaucrats and generals will fail to make any significant dent in the overall collective perception, at least not in the short run.
Whatever he may do, in immediate future he will continue to be a divisive figure, especially outside Sindh. And both People’s Party and Pakistan, at this hour, need a less polarised, and a uniting figure.
Also, there is a limit to which this “will business” can be pushed; and for two reasons: One, even if it is 100 per cent original many will continue to doubt it for the simple reason that Benazir Bhutto had meticulously kept her husband out of immediate political arena in her last few months and her sudden change of heart on 16th October 2007, making her beloved husband the net beneficiary of her legacy – though analytically correct -- continues to look far more dramatic than most people can digest.
But even if all this is ignored, this “will business” has serious limitations in the long run. Pakistan People Party may not be a party in the western sense of it, but it deserves to be at least comparable to a better managed Private Limited Company.
This “will business” belongs to private assets and properties and even there exist examples of private concerns where managers or long time associates end up inheriting the mantle of leadership over incompetent off springs. And PPP, in all fairness, is endowed with a range of competent persons.
Despite this, we must admit that today Asif Ali Zardari has been given a role by history; he is someone who can provide internal unity to PPP; by keeping it together he can help it to emerge as the most powerful political force in the aftermath of the elections; can wield tremendous influence for himself, his son and for people of Sindh and may end up developing a new profile for himself in his own role rather than the borrowed sheen of his slain wife.
But all of it will have a chance of possibility if he demonstrates the maturity of putting his good will and organisational abilities behind a ‘consensus candidate’; in other words: if he decides to become Sonia Gandhi of Pakistan.
Dr Moeed Pirzada, a broadcaster and political analyst, with GEO TV Network, has been a Britannia Chevening Scholar at London School of Economics and Political Science. Email: mp846@columbia.edu
BY DR MOEED PIRZADA
Khaleej Times Online 9 February 2008
THE internal power schisms of ‘Pakistan People Party’ are finally coming to the fore. This gives credence to the dark prophecies of all those pundits who had predicted, immediately after Benazir’s assassination, that Pakistan’s most popular political formation will find it difficult to survive as ‘one’ beyond the immediate needs of the coming elections.
The rot may have been brewing for a while. The natural thought, “what will I get?” must have dominated many minds from the moment they descended upon Naudero and Gari Khuda Baksh to bury the last of the ‘real Bhuttos’. But in recent days the first shot was fired by PPP Senator Dr Babar Awan who issued a statement that no one but the party co-chairman, Asif Ali Zardari, was the right person to be nominated as PPP candidate for prime ministerial slot after the elections.
The good senator was obviously testing the waters for Zardari. It then transpired, from newspapers, that party’s top most leadership has rebuked Awan for giving such a statement in violation of the party’s considered position that such a decision will be taken after the elections. Many wondered: “who is this top leadership?” Fortunately the confusion did not last long.
PPP senior vice chairman, Makhdoom Amin Fahim, emerged on the scene terming Senator Awan’s statements his personal opinions and clarified that only party’s Central Executive Committee (CEC) has the authority to decide upon the matter -- and that too after the elections. Perhaps to add authority to his voice he claimed that he and Asif Ali Zardari were in complete cohesion over the issue.
Makhdoom of Hala might have regretted his words. For soon afterwards Zardari, while talking to the US publication Newsweek, made it clear that he is seriously considering himself for the prime ministerial slot, for he has the “widest name recognition in the party” and “no senior leader apart from him spent eleven years in jail”. Under his directions a copy of the will of Benazir Bhutto was made public to prove, once again, that she had nominated him, and no one else but him, as the acting chairman of the party.
This is now the third time that PPP under Zardari changed its position on the subject: First on 30th December, three days after Ms. Bhutto’s assassination, Zardari had clearly indicated that Makhdoom Amin Fahim, who always lead PPP, in Benazir’s absence, would be the party’s candidate for the prime ministerial slot. A few days later this position was reversed announcing that CEC will decide this after the elections. This in itself was an indication of the growing fault lines.
However, now with Senator Awan’s premonitions, Zardari’s interview in Newsweek followed with the dramatic release of the Bhutto’s ‘political will’ it is abundantly clear that Benazir’s widower is making his moves towards the top slot-albeit cautiously, inch by inch, to make it more palatable. Even in the Newsweek interview he said that he might or might not be the prime ministerial candidate. And since then he has again tried distancing his person from the idea- he has planted himself.
Since Benazir’s assassination, Zardari has not only benefited from a natural wave of sympathy inside Sindh but several of his actions have generated a national goodwill and expanded his political space: his voice of reason and restraint at a time of great commotion in Sindh; his ability to defend the federation; his better command on the use and nuance of Urdu language and his indicating that Makhdoom Amin will be the party’s nominee for the prime ministerial slot all contributed to that.
Yet his, all too visible, desire to become the prime ministerial candidate is something he should better stay away from, in the best interests of his party, country and his family. And there are certain good reasons for that.
Zardari may not be that villainous character many in the media and the government agencies paint him into. Some of those who have interacted with him on an intimate level vouch that he is as normal or unprincipled as any other in Pakistan’s power structure. Yet someone, like him, rooted in reality might be painfully aware of the negative baggage, rightly or wrongly, he carries in Pakistan’s collective consciousness. The attempts of his lawyers and lobbyists to either defend him on the grounds that nothing has been proved or by drawing parallels with the misdeeds of other politicians, bureaucrats and generals will fail to make any significant dent in the overall collective perception, at least not in the short run.
Whatever he may do, in immediate future he will continue to be a divisive figure, especially outside Sindh. And both People’s Party and Pakistan, at this hour, need a less polarised, and a uniting figure.
Also, there is a limit to which this “will business” can be pushed; and for two reasons: One, even if it is 100 per cent original many will continue to doubt it for the simple reason that Benazir Bhutto had meticulously kept her husband out of immediate political arena in her last few months and her sudden change of heart on 16th October 2007, making her beloved husband the net beneficiary of her legacy – though analytically correct -- continues to look far more dramatic than most people can digest.
But even if all this is ignored, this “will business” has serious limitations in the long run. Pakistan People Party may not be a party in the western sense of it, but it deserves to be at least comparable to a better managed Private Limited Company.
This “will business” belongs to private assets and properties and even there exist examples of private concerns where managers or long time associates end up inheriting the mantle of leadership over incompetent off springs. And PPP, in all fairness, is endowed with a range of competent persons.
Despite this, we must admit that today Asif Ali Zardari has been given a role by history; he is someone who can provide internal unity to PPP; by keeping it together he can help it to emerge as the most powerful political force in the aftermath of the elections; can wield tremendous influence for himself, his son and for people of Sindh and may end up developing a new profile for himself in his own role rather than the borrowed sheen of his slain wife.
But all of it will have a chance of possibility if he demonstrates the maturity of putting his good will and organisational abilities behind a ‘consensus candidate’; in other words: if he decides to become Sonia Gandhi of Pakistan.
Dr Moeed Pirzada, a broadcaster and political analyst, with GEO TV Network, has been a Britannia Chevening Scholar at London School of Economics and Political Science. Email: mp846@columbia.edu
Saturday, February 23, 2008
A Milestone on the Road to Democracy
A Milestone on the Road to Democracy
By Pervez Musharraf
Friday, February 22, 2008; Page A23
After months of turmoil, including the death of an important national figure, Benazir Bhutto, and the civil unrest that followed, Pakistan has successfully carried out a critical election -- balloting that was a milestone in our nation's 60-year history.
Pakistan's transition to democracy is essential to achieving reconciliation among our people. The government worked tirelessly to ensure that Monday's vote would be free, fair, transparent and peaceful. A broad range of new procedures were put in place -- such as the public counting of ballots at each polling station -- to make certain that this would be the fairest election ever held in Pakistan.
The historical significance of this election makes this the right moment for an honest discussion of the challenges and opportunities confronting both Pakistan and the United States, whose interest in a stable, democratic government in Islamabad is matched by that of the Pakistani people.
Our nation faces three main tasks: defeating terrorism and extremism; building a stable and effective democratic government; and creating a solid foundation for sustained economic growth. Because these goals are shared by the vast majority of Pakistanis, I am certain we can and will accomplish them, and I stand ready to work with the newly elected Parliament to achieve these objectives.
Do we still face challenges? Of course. Do great opportunities lie ahead? The answer is an emphatic yes. Our economy is strong -- and growing stronger. Our armed forces are dedicated, professional and committed to maintaining both public order and the integrity of our political system. Most important, the overwhelming majority of our 160 million people are firmly committed to a moderate view of Islam and to the national prosperity that only modernization can bring.
On terrorism, let me be perfectly clear: Pakistan faces and fights this menace with full dedication. How could we not? Al-Qaeda and its affiliates have declared war on the civilized world, and the moderate government and people of Pakistan are prime targets. Some have questioned our commitment to the fight against extremism. In fact, more than 1,000 Pakistani troops have lost their lives fighting al-Qaeda and Taliban forces over the past four years, and 112,000 troops are fully engaged in the regions along our border with Afghanistan. We will continue to work closely with our longtime American allies in our common struggle to rid Pakistan and the world of militant extremism.
But as the U.S. experience in Iraq has shown, military force alone is not sufficient. A successful counterinsurgency requires a multi-pronged approach -- military, political and economic. Our political strategy emphasizes separating terrorists from those citizens living in the regions bordering Afghanistan. Our economic strategy is bringing education, economic opportunity and the benefits of development to those same areas. As history has clearly taught us, when people see improvement in their daily lives and the lives of their children, they turn away from violence and toward peace and reconciliation.
But our success will require the continued support of the United States. I would ask Americans to remember that building democracy is difficult in the best of conditions; doing so in a complex country such as Pakistan -- with its uneasy political history, with its centuries-old regional and feudal cleavages, and with violent extremists dedicated to the defeat of democracy -- is even more challenging. As history has shown, a peaceful transition to democracy requires the leadership of government and the willingness of the population to embrace democratic ideals. The people of Pakistan on Monday demonstrated that willingness; now it is time for government leaders to work together and do our part.
The writer is president of Pakistan
By Pervez Musharraf
Friday, February 22, 2008; Page A23
After months of turmoil, including the death of an important national figure, Benazir Bhutto, and the civil unrest that followed, Pakistan has successfully carried out a critical election -- balloting that was a milestone in our nation's 60-year history.
Pakistan's transition to democracy is essential to achieving reconciliation among our people. The government worked tirelessly to ensure that Monday's vote would be free, fair, transparent and peaceful. A broad range of new procedures were put in place -- such as the public counting of ballots at each polling station -- to make certain that this would be the fairest election ever held in Pakistan.
The historical significance of this election makes this the right moment for an honest discussion of the challenges and opportunities confronting both Pakistan and the United States, whose interest in a stable, democratic government in Islamabad is matched by that of the Pakistani people.
Our nation faces three main tasks: defeating terrorism and extremism; building a stable and effective democratic government; and creating a solid foundation for sustained economic growth. Because these goals are shared by the vast majority of Pakistanis, I am certain we can and will accomplish them, and I stand ready to work with the newly elected Parliament to achieve these objectives.
Do we still face challenges? Of course. Do great opportunities lie ahead? The answer is an emphatic yes. Our economy is strong -- and growing stronger. Our armed forces are dedicated, professional and committed to maintaining both public order and the integrity of our political system. Most important, the overwhelming majority of our 160 million people are firmly committed to a moderate view of Islam and to the national prosperity that only modernization can bring.
On terrorism, let me be perfectly clear: Pakistan faces and fights this menace with full dedication. How could we not? Al-Qaeda and its affiliates have declared war on the civilized world, and the moderate government and people of Pakistan are prime targets. Some have questioned our commitment to the fight against extremism. In fact, more than 1,000 Pakistani troops have lost their lives fighting al-Qaeda and Taliban forces over the past four years, and 112,000 troops are fully engaged in the regions along our border with Afghanistan. We will continue to work closely with our longtime American allies in our common struggle to rid Pakistan and the world of militant extremism.
But as the U.S. experience in Iraq has shown, military force alone is not sufficient. A successful counterinsurgency requires a multi-pronged approach -- military, political and economic. Our political strategy emphasizes separating terrorists from those citizens living in the regions bordering Afghanistan. Our economic strategy is bringing education, economic opportunity and the benefits of development to those same areas. As history has clearly taught us, when people see improvement in their daily lives and the lives of their children, they turn away from violence and toward peace and reconciliation.
But our success will require the continued support of the United States. I would ask Americans to remember that building democracy is difficult in the best of conditions; doing so in a complex country such as Pakistan -- with its uneasy political history, with its centuries-old regional and feudal cleavages, and with violent extremists dedicated to the defeat of democracy -- is even more challenging. As history has shown, a peaceful transition to democracy requires the leadership of government and the willingness of the population to embrace democratic ideals. The people of Pakistan on Monday demonstrated that willingness; now it is time for government leaders to work together and do our part.
The writer is president of Pakistan
Wednesday, January 9, 2008
Pakistan After The Assassination: Interview with Pervez Hoodbhoy
Pakistan After The Assassination: Interview with Pervez Hoodbhoy
Chowk January 6, 2008
Interview with Pervez Hoodbhoy by Stefania Maurizi of Venerdi of La Repubblica
Pervez Hoodbhoy, professor of nuclear and high-energy physics, and chairman of the department of physics at Quaid-e-Azam University in Islamabad, has been interviewed by Stefania Maurizi for Il Venerdi (Friday supplement) of La Repubblica (http://www.repubblica.it), where the interview will be publishedin Italian. The interview is
reproduce here in the original English, as supplied by Professor Hoodbhoy.
Q: Let's start with the tragedy of Bhutto assassination. Today, international media remind us she was the first woman to become the PM of an Islamic country, she was a democratic leader, etc. Nonetheless, she was the scion of a feudal family, which was primarily responsible for making Pakistan an atomic power and she was known for the authoritarian control of her party. Looking back, how do you judge Benazir Bhutto?
A: Having first known Benazir Bhutto from high school in Karachi, and then later in Cambridge (Massachussetts), I am deeply saddened by her assassination. But, although the international media paint her as someone who could have led Pakistan into the modern age, the truth is very different. Her two tenures as prime minister were a nightmare of autocratic government and mis-governance. Billions disappeared from foreign aid. A Swiss court found her guilty of money laundering in 2003.
Ms. Bhutto owned mansions and palaces across the world. She even tried to steal land from my (public) university to feed the rapacious appetite of her party members.
Even during school days, Benazir thought she had been born to rule. More importantly, she made not the slightest effort to change the feudal character of Pakistani politics and society. The Bhuttos own vast tracts of agricultural land in Sindh that is worked upon by serfs. Although she promised to bring democracy to Pakistan, after returning to Pakistan, Ms. Bhutto made clear that for a few table scraps she would be happy to team up with General Musharraf under the hopelessly absurd US plan to give our military government a civilian face. Her party, the Pakistan Peoples Party was her fiefdom. She appointed herself as "chairperson for life".
Reflecting the mindset of a feudal princess, she even named her successors to be male members from her family: her 19-year son, who is a student at Oxford and knows nothing about Pakistani culture, as well as her phenomenally corrupt husband, initially known as Mr Ten Percent and later as Mr. Thirty Percent.
Q: Was Ms. Bhutto a model for Pakistani women?
A: She was courageous and single-minded. And she showed that a woman could be the head of a conservative Islamic state. Nevertheless, it is hard to see what she wanted beyond personal power. Although she said that she was fighting for grand causes, I'm still trying to figure out what they were.
She certainly did nothing for Pakistani women during her two stints in power and left untouched the horrific Hudood laws, according to which a rape victim needs to produce 4 witnesses to the act of penetration (else she could be punished for fornication). Nor did she try to overturn the
Pakistani blasphemy law that prescribes death as the minimum penalty for those convicted of insulting the prophet of Islam or his companions. As for democracy: she had been desperate to do a deal with Musharraf who dangled over her head the many corruption cases that she was charged with.
But he proved too clever for her and she was forced into the opposition.
In foreign policy, she played footsie with the army. It could do whatever it liked, including making nuclear weapons, sending Islamic militants into Kashmir, and organizing the takeover of Afghanistan by the Taliban. In
2002 she regretted having signed the document authorizing funds for the Taliban forces poised to capture Kandahar. But Ms. Bhutto makes an excellent martyr. In her death she will doubtlessly play a more positive role than when alive.
Q: Al Qaeda was immediately blamed for Bhutto assassination. However, many people hated her: Musharraf, the Army, and the infamous ISI, which in 1990 removed Bhutto from power after she had replaced General Hameed Gul, the man who invented the Taliban. Do you believe that Al Qaeda was really responsible for killing Benazir Bhutto? Who is going to gain from Bhutto's death?
A: There are different possibilities and much confusion. But some facts are certain. There definitely were gunshots, and this was followed by a suicide blast. Now, I do not think that suicide bombers can be bought with any number of rupees. Only a religious fanatic lured by heavenly rewards
would blow himself up. Therefore Al-Qaida, the Taliban, or other Islamic jihadist groups are strong possibilities. They always hated Bhutto, but even more after she announced in Washington that, if elected prime minister, she would fight them even more vigorously than Musharraf. Of course, rogue elements of Pakistan's intelligence agencies, who are also
strong Islamists, and who lie deeply hidden within the establishment, could also have done it. They have a stock of suicide bombers available to them, as evidenced by the success they have had in organizing suicide attacks upon army commandos as well as their own colleagues.
So did Islamists of one or the other flavour do it? Maybe, but the waters have been muddied by the government. First, publicly available photographs and videos show a modern-looking gunman accompanying the suicide bomber.
He fired three shots, heard by all present, at least one of which hit Bhutto. Some say that there was a second sharpshooter in a building too.
On the other hand, the government initially insisted she died from concussion and not a bullet wound - an obvious lie immediately refuted by those in the same car as Bhutto. Second, in just an hour after the assassination, the police washed away all the bloody evidence with water hoses. So, it is quite possible that non-Islamists in the government have
somehow used brainwashed suicide bombers, trained in mosques and madrassas, to do their dirty job. But, as in the JFK murder, the truth will never be known.
As for the gainers and losers: Islamist groups saw Bhutto as a tool of America that would be used against them, and a leader who could secularize Pakistan. Plus, she was a woman and popular. But Musharraf and his political party, the PML(Q), have also gained because a political rival
has been eliminated. The losers are those Pakistanis who wish for a secular, modern Pakistan and not one that is run by mullahs. Although she never delivered on her promises, her followers never lost faith.
Q: There is a lot of concern about the future of Pakistan. How real is the threat of an Islamic takeover, in your opinion?
A: It has already been taken over! Twenty five years ago the Pakistani state began pushing Islam on to its people as a matter of policy.
Prayers in government departments were deemed compulsory, punishments were meted out to those who did not fast in Ramadan, selection for academic posts required that the candidate demonstrate knowledge of Islamic teachings, and jihad was propagated through schoolbooks. Today government
intervention is no longer needed because of a spontaneous groundswell of Islamic zeal. But now the state is realizing that it shot itself in the foot. The fanatical jihadists it created have turned against it. It is supreme irony that the Pakistan Army - whose men were recruited under the banner of jihad and which saw itself as the fighting arm of Islam - is now frequently targeted by suicide bombers who are fighting a jihad to bring even stricter Islam. It has lost a thousand or more men fighting Al-Qaida and the Taliban.
The pace of radicalization has quickened. There are almost daily suicide attacks. This phenomenon was almost unknown in Pakistan before the US invasion of Iraq in 2003. Now it is common in major cities as well as tribal areas. The targets have been the Pakistan army, police, incumbent and retired government leaders, and rival Islamic sects. But this is just the tip of the iceberg; we'll see much more in years ahead.
Q: Ideally, what do you want to see happen in the next few weeks?
A: I want Musharraf to go - resign or somehow be removed, preferably without bloodshed. I want the independent judiciary restored, a new neutral caretaker government installed for overseeing free and fair elections, and then elections that would decide upon the new parliament and prime minister. This will not immediately solve Pakistan's fundamental problems - army dominance, maldistribution of wealth, religious fanaticism, provincial imbalances - but it would get Pakistan on the track to democracy instead of the self-destruction it is now racing towards.
Q: People in Washington are increasingly frustrated with Musharraf's counterterrorism efforts, however they think there are no alternatives to Musharraf. What do you think about this?
A: The Americans have tunnel vision. They want lackeys like Musharraf who do their bidding, although here too there is deception at work. They know, but choose to forget, that Pakistani military leaders, Musharraf included, are the makers of the jihadist monster. In 1999, after Musharraf launched the secret Kargil operation in Kashmir, the United Jihad Council celebrated him as a true fighter for Islam. After 911 such praises disappeared, but under his leadership the army still covertly supported jihadist groups and the Taliban in Kashmir and Afghanistan.
Musharraf is extremely unpopular now and the Americans will have to dump him at some point. It is hard to find a pro-Musharraf person anywhere in the country except in the top business circles and the top army leadership. Until recently he ran both the army and the government himself, with the connivance of a rubber-stamp Parliament put in place through rigged elections. When the courts were about to rule that he could not legally be president, Musharraf chose to suspend the constitution and impose emergency rule. He dismissed the Supreme Court and arrested the judges, replacing them with judges who obey his every command. He blocked all independent television channels, and punished the news media for disparaging him or the army. His police arrested thousands of lawyers and pro-democracy activists. He ordered that civilians be tried in closed military courts. This was necessary, he said, to save Pakistan from a
rapidly growing Islamist insurgency. But he released 25 Islamic extremists on the day that the judges were arrested. In spite of all this, George W. Bush called Musharraf "a democrat at heart". It makes you sick.
The Americans have shot themselves in the foot by supporting the army consistently for decades. They have lost credibility and respect among Pakistanis. Everybody laughs when they hear that America wants democracy for Pakistan. In this situation, even if Musharraf goes and Gen. Kayani (the new army chief) takes over, the best that American can hope for is for the status quo. This is sad, because America is a great country with many virtues. If only they could get over their hangup of wanting to run the world! It's an impossible task anyway.
Q: In Pakistan what is the man on the street thinking?
A: Almost everyone holds the government responsible for the assassination. Tragically, suicide bombings are not condemned with any particular vigor. There is no strong reaction against the mullahs, madrassas, and jihadis. Perhaps people are afraid to criticize them because this might be seen as a criticism of Islam. Interestingly, in all the street demonstrations I have gone to after the Bhutto assassinations, there was no call for cracking down on extremists. Yesterday I met the lone taxidriver who
thought the Islamists did it.
Q: What could be an effective way to fight Al Qaeda and the Taleban in Pakistan?
A: To fight and win this war, Pakistan will need to mobilize both its people and the state. The notion of a power-sharing agreement between the state and Taliban is a non-starter; the spectacular failures of earlier agreements should be a lesson. Instead the government should help create public consensus through open forum discussions, proceed faster on
infrastructure development in the tribal areas, and make judicious use of military force - troops only, no air power. This should become every Pakistani's war, not just the army's, and it will have to be fought even if America packs up and goes away. But, as long as Musharraf is president,
it will be impossible to get popular support for the war. If presented with a choice between Musharraf and the Taliban, the overwhelming majority of Pakistanis would want the latter - although I am sure they would regret it later.
Q: Let's talk about Pakistan's nukes. There a lot of concern about the possibility that nuclear weapons could end up into the hands of Islamic fundamentalists. Early in December the Washington Post revealed that a small group of U.S. military experts and intelligence analysts convened in Washington for exploring strategies to secure Pakistani nukes if the
Pakistani regime falls apart. Their conclusions were very scaring, as, - there are no palatable ways to forcibly ensure the security of Pakistan's nuclear weapons. What do you think about this?
A: The government says there is absolutely no danger of loose nukes.
Pakistan has been sending serving officers of the Strategic Plans Division, which is the agency responsible for handling nuclear weapons, to the United States for training in safety measures (PAL's locking devices, storing procedures, etc). But there's no way of telling if this will be effective. Extremists have already penetrated deep into the army and the intelligence agencies. We now see repeated evidence: for example, last month an unmarked bus carrying employees of the Inter Services Intelligence [Pakistan's secret intelligence], was collecting employees early in the morning. It was boarded by a suicide bomber who blew himself
up killing 25. It was an inside job.
And now there are many other such examples, such as that of an army man killing 16 Special Services Group commandos in a suicide attack at Ghazi Barotha. A part of the establishment is clearly at war with another part.
There are also scientists, as well as military people, who are radical Islamists. Many questions come to mind: can there be collusion between different field-level commanders, resulting in the hijacking of a nuclear weapon? Could outsider groups develop links with insiders? Given the
absence of accurate records of fissile material production, can one be certain that small quantities of highly enriched uranium or weapons grade plutonium have already not been diverted? I do not know the answers.
Nobody does.
Chowk January 6, 2008
Interview with Pervez Hoodbhoy by Stefania Maurizi of Venerdi of La Repubblica
Pervez Hoodbhoy, professor of nuclear and high-energy physics, and chairman of the department of physics at Quaid-e-Azam University in Islamabad, has been interviewed by Stefania Maurizi for Il Venerdi (Friday supplement) of La Repubblica (http://www.repubblica.it), where the interview will be publishedin Italian. The interview is
reproduce here in the original English, as supplied by Professor Hoodbhoy.
Q: Let's start with the tragedy of Bhutto assassination. Today, international media remind us she was the first woman to become the PM of an Islamic country, she was a democratic leader, etc. Nonetheless, she was the scion of a feudal family, which was primarily responsible for making Pakistan an atomic power and she was known for the authoritarian control of her party. Looking back, how do you judge Benazir Bhutto?
A: Having first known Benazir Bhutto from high school in Karachi, and then later in Cambridge (Massachussetts), I am deeply saddened by her assassination. But, although the international media paint her as someone who could have led Pakistan into the modern age, the truth is very different. Her two tenures as prime minister were a nightmare of autocratic government and mis-governance. Billions disappeared from foreign aid. A Swiss court found her guilty of money laundering in 2003.
Ms. Bhutto owned mansions and palaces across the world. She even tried to steal land from my (public) university to feed the rapacious appetite of her party members.
Even during school days, Benazir thought she had been born to rule. More importantly, she made not the slightest effort to change the feudal character of Pakistani politics and society. The Bhuttos own vast tracts of agricultural land in Sindh that is worked upon by serfs. Although she promised to bring democracy to Pakistan, after returning to Pakistan, Ms. Bhutto made clear that for a few table scraps she would be happy to team up with General Musharraf under the hopelessly absurd US plan to give our military government a civilian face. Her party, the Pakistan Peoples Party was her fiefdom. She appointed herself as "chairperson for life".
Reflecting the mindset of a feudal princess, she even named her successors to be male members from her family: her 19-year son, who is a student at Oxford and knows nothing about Pakistani culture, as well as her phenomenally corrupt husband, initially known as Mr Ten Percent and later as Mr. Thirty Percent.
Q: Was Ms. Bhutto a model for Pakistani women?
A: She was courageous and single-minded. And she showed that a woman could be the head of a conservative Islamic state. Nevertheless, it is hard to see what she wanted beyond personal power. Although she said that she was fighting for grand causes, I'm still trying to figure out what they were.
She certainly did nothing for Pakistani women during her two stints in power and left untouched the horrific Hudood laws, according to which a rape victim needs to produce 4 witnesses to the act of penetration (else she could be punished for fornication). Nor did she try to overturn the
Pakistani blasphemy law that prescribes death as the minimum penalty for those convicted of insulting the prophet of Islam or his companions. As for democracy: she had been desperate to do a deal with Musharraf who dangled over her head the many corruption cases that she was charged with.
But he proved too clever for her and she was forced into the opposition.
In foreign policy, she played footsie with the army. It could do whatever it liked, including making nuclear weapons, sending Islamic militants into Kashmir, and organizing the takeover of Afghanistan by the Taliban. In
2002 she regretted having signed the document authorizing funds for the Taliban forces poised to capture Kandahar. But Ms. Bhutto makes an excellent martyr. In her death she will doubtlessly play a more positive role than when alive.
Q: Al Qaeda was immediately blamed for Bhutto assassination. However, many people hated her: Musharraf, the Army, and the infamous ISI, which in 1990 removed Bhutto from power after she had replaced General Hameed Gul, the man who invented the Taliban. Do you believe that Al Qaeda was really responsible for killing Benazir Bhutto? Who is going to gain from Bhutto's death?
A: There are different possibilities and much confusion. But some facts are certain. There definitely were gunshots, and this was followed by a suicide blast. Now, I do not think that suicide bombers can be bought with any number of rupees. Only a religious fanatic lured by heavenly rewards
would blow himself up. Therefore Al-Qaida, the Taliban, or other Islamic jihadist groups are strong possibilities. They always hated Bhutto, but even more after she announced in Washington that, if elected prime minister, she would fight them even more vigorously than Musharraf. Of course, rogue elements of Pakistan's intelligence agencies, who are also
strong Islamists, and who lie deeply hidden within the establishment, could also have done it. They have a stock of suicide bombers available to them, as evidenced by the success they have had in organizing suicide attacks upon army commandos as well as their own colleagues.
So did Islamists of one or the other flavour do it? Maybe, but the waters have been muddied by the government. First, publicly available photographs and videos show a modern-looking gunman accompanying the suicide bomber.
He fired three shots, heard by all present, at least one of which hit Bhutto. Some say that there was a second sharpshooter in a building too.
On the other hand, the government initially insisted she died from concussion and not a bullet wound - an obvious lie immediately refuted by those in the same car as Bhutto. Second, in just an hour after the assassination, the police washed away all the bloody evidence with water hoses. So, it is quite possible that non-Islamists in the government have
somehow used brainwashed suicide bombers, trained in mosques and madrassas, to do their dirty job. But, as in the JFK murder, the truth will never be known.
As for the gainers and losers: Islamist groups saw Bhutto as a tool of America that would be used against them, and a leader who could secularize Pakistan. Plus, she was a woman and popular. But Musharraf and his political party, the PML(Q), have also gained because a political rival
has been eliminated. The losers are those Pakistanis who wish for a secular, modern Pakistan and not one that is run by mullahs. Although she never delivered on her promises, her followers never lost faith.
Q: There is a lot of concern about the future of Pakistan. How real is the threat of an Islamic takeover, in your opinion?
A: It has already been taken over! Twenty five years ago the Pakistani state began pushing Islam on to its people as a matter of policy.
Prayers in government departments were deemed compulsory, punishments were meted out to those who did not fast in Ramadan, selection for academic posts required that the candidate demonstrate knowledge of Islamic teachings, and jihad was propagated through schoolbooks. Today government
intervention is no longer needed because of a spontaneous groundswell of Islamic zeal. But now the state is realizing that it shot itself in the foot. The fanatical jihadists it created have turned against it. It is supreme irony that the Pakistan Army - whose men were recruited under the banner of jihad and which saw itself as the fighting arm of Islam - is now frequently targeted by suicide bombers who are fighting a jihad to bring even stricter Islam. It has lost a thousand or more men fighting Al-Qaida and the Taliban.
The pace of radicalization has quickened. There are almost daily suicide attacks. This phenomenon was almost unknown in Pakistan before the US invasion of Iraq in 2003. Now it is common in major cities as well as tribal areas. The targets have been the Pakistan army, police, incumbent and retired government leaders, and rival Islamic sects. But this is just the tip of the iceberg; we'll see much more in years ahead.
Q: Ideally, what do you want to see happen in the next few weeks?
A: I want Musharraf to go - resign or somehow be removed, preferably without bloodshed. I want the independent judiciary restored, a new neutral caretaker government installed for overseeing free and fair elections, and then elections that would decide upon the new parliament and prime minister. This will not immediately solve Pakistan's fundamental problems - army dominance, maldistribution of wealth, religious fanaticism, provincial imbalances - but it would get Pakistan on the track to democracy instead of the self-destruction it is now racing towards.
Q: People in Washington are increasingly frustrated with Musharraf's counterterrorism efforts, however they think there are no alternatives to Musharraf. What do you think about this?
A: The Americans have tunnel vision. They want lackeys like Musharraf who do their bidding, although here too there is deception at work. They know, but choose to forget, that Pakistani military leaders, Musharraf included, are the makers of the jihadist monster. In 1999, after Musharraf launched the secret Kargil operation in Kashmir, the United Jihad Council celebrated him as a true fighter for Islam. After 911 such praises disappeared, but under his leadership the army still covertly supported jihadist groups and the Taliban in Kashmir and Afghanistan.
Musharraf is extremely unpopular now and the Americans will have to dump him at some point. It is hard to find a pro-Musharraf person anywhere in the country except in the top business circles and the top army leadership. Until recently he ran both the army and the government himself, with the connivance of a rubber-stamp Parliament put in place through rigged elections. When the courts were about to rule that he could not legally be president, Musharraf chose to suspend the constitution and impose emergency rule. He dismissed the Supreme Court and arrested the judges, replacing them with judges who obey his every command. He blocked all independent television channels, and punished the news media for disparaging him or the army. His police arrested thousands of lawyers and pro-democracy activists. He ordered that civilians be tried in closed military courts. This was necessary, he said, to save Pakistan from a
rapidly growing Islamist insurgency. But he released 25 Islamic extremists on the day that the judges were arrested. In spite of all this, George W. Bush called Musharraf "a democrat at heart". It makes you sick.
The Americans have shot themselves in the foot by supporting the army consistently for decades. They have lost credibility and respect among Pakistanis. Everybody laughs when they hear that America wants democracy for Pakistan. In this situation, even if Musharraf goes and Gen. Kayani (the new army chief) takes over, the best that American can hope for is for the status quo. This is sad, because America is a great country with many virtues. If only they could get over their hangup of wanting to run the world! It's an impossible task anyway.
Q: In Pakistan what is the man on the street thinking?
A: Almost everyone holds the government responsible for the assassination. Tragically, suicide bombings are not condemned with any particular vigor. There is no strong reaction against the mullahs, madrassas, and jihadis. Perhaps people are afraid to criticize them because this might be seen as a criticism of Islam. Interestingly, in all the street demonstrations I have gone to after the Bhutto assassinations, there was no call for cracking down on extremists. Yesterday I met the lone taxidriver who
thought the Islamists did it.
Q: What could be an effective way to fight Al Qaeda and the Taleban in Pakistan?
A: To fight and win this war, Pakistan will need to mobilize both its people and the state. The notion of a power-sharing agreement between the state and Taliban is a non-starter; the spectacular failures of earlier agreements should be a lesson. Instead the government should help create public consensus through open forum discussions, proceed faster on
infrastructure development in the tribal areas, and make judicious use of military force - troops only, no air power. This should become every Pakistani's war, not just the army's, and it will have to be fought even if America packs up and goes away. But, as long as Musharraf is president,
it will be impossible to get popular support for the war. If presented with a choice between Musharraf and the Taliban, the overwhelming majority of Pakistanis would want the latter - although I am sure they would regret it later.
Q: Let's talk about Pakistan's nukes. There a lot of concern about the possibility that nuclear weapons could end up into the hands of Islamic fundamentalists. Early in December the Washington Post revealed that a small group of U.S. military experts and intelligence analysts convened in Washington for exploring strategies to secure Pakistani nukes if the
Pakistani regime falls apart. Their conclusions were very scaring, as, - there are no palatable ways to forcibly ensure the security of Pakistan's nuclear weapons. What do you think about this?
A: The government says there is absolutely no danger of loose nukes.
Pakistan has been sending serving officers of the Strategic Plans Division, which is the agency responsible for handling nuclear weapons, to the United States for training in safety measures (PAL's locking devices, storing procedures, etc). But there's no way of telling if this will be effective. Extremists have already penetrated deep into the army and the intelligence agencies. We now see repeated evidence: for example, last month an unmarked bus carrying employees of the Inter Services Intelligence [Pakistan's secret intelligence], was collecting employees early in the morning. It was boarded by a suicide bomber who blew himself
up killing 25. It was an inside job.
And now there are many other such examples, such as that of an army man killing 16 Special Services Group commandos in a suicide attack at Ghazi Barotha. A part of the establishment is clearly at war with another part.
There are also scientists, as well as military people, who are radical Islamists. Many questions come to mind: can there be collusion between different field-level commanders, resulting in the hijacking of a nuclear weapon? Could outsider groups develop links with insiders? Given the
absence of accurate records of fissile material production, can one be certain that small quantities of highly enriched uranium or weapons grade plutonium have already not been diverted? I do not know the answers.
Nobody does.
Tuesday, January 1, 2008
Bhutto's Son Chosen As Eventual Party Chief
KARACHI, Pakistan, Dec. 30 -- Pakistan's largest and most storied political party chose Sunday to continue its dynastic traditions, anointing the 19-year-old son of slain former prime minister Benazir Bhutto to be her ultimate successor but picking her husband to lead for now.
- By Griff Witte
Washingtonpost.com
- By Griff Witte
Washingtonpost.com
Bhutto's son named as heir to political party
Benazir Bhutto's 19-year-old son Bilawal has been chosen to take over her Pakistan People's Party, after her assassination on Thursday.
He will become president in a ceremonial capacity while he finishes his studies at Oxford University.
Bilawal told journalists at the Bhutto family home: "My mother always said democracy is the best revenge".
Ms Bhutto's widower, Asif Ali Zardari, who will run the party day-to-day, said it would contest January elections.
....
He will become president in a ceremonial capacity while he finishes his studies at Oxford University.
Bilawal told journalists at the Bhutto family home: "My mother always said democracy is the best revenge".
Ms Bhutto's widower, Asif Ali Zardari, who will run the party day-to-day, said it would contest January elections.
....
Bhutto Shaheeed Aka martyr
The killing of Ms. Bhutto is a heinous crime which cannot and should not be tolerated an any way or any circumstances and the killer and their organization should be brought to daylight and face the justice.
However the word martyr a.k.a Shaheed has been inflated at least 10 times the rate of inflation in Pakistan.
Ms. Bhutto inherited this business of making money under the façade of democracy from her father the main architect of break up of East Pakistan, (remember the just wanted to be the Top Dog rather than the underdog). She inherited this because of her brother turned terrorist(Remember Al Zulfiqar, hijacking of PIA aircraft etc.) Now with her demise the fate of millions is in the hand of a teenager. This is laughable. This is what is also called nepotism at its best, even Indra Gandhi did not nominate Rajiv in her will or Rajiv nominate Sonia. The nomination of a teenager in the name of Pakistan falling apart seems to be farce of democracy at its best.
Back to the definition of Shaheed AKA Martyer Iman Hussain was Shaheed , Hazrat Hamza was Shaheed, Hazrat Ali is Shaheed, and there are whole list of Martyrs and shaheed in the history, Look at their life style and their cause for which these personalities has given their lives, compare it with Bhutto’s corruption, nepotism, kleptocary. Bhutto is no Shaheed, just a victim of heinous political murder set up by the Al Qaida/Talibans and an event which could have been avoided.
However the word martyr a.k.a Shaheed has been inflated at least 10 times the rate of inflation in Pakistan.
Ms. Bhutto inherited this business of making money under the façade of democracy from her father the main architect of break up of East Pakistan, (remember the just wanted to be the Top Dog rather than the underdog). She inherited this because of her brother turned terrorist(Remember Al Zulfiqar, hijacking of PIA aircraft etc.) Now with her demise the fate of millions is in the hand of a teenager. This is laughable. This is what is also called nepotism at its best, even Indra Gandhi did not nominate Rajiv in her will or Rajiv nominate Sonia. The nomination of a teenager in the name of Pakistan falling apart seems to be farce of democracy at its best.
Back to the definition of Shaheed AKA Martyer Iman Hussain was Shaheed , Hazrat Hamza was Shaheed, Hazrat Ali is Shaheed, and there are whole list of Martyrs and shaheed in the history, Look at their life style and their cause for which these personalities has given their lives, compare it with Bhutto’s corruption, nepotism, kleptocary. Bhutto is no Shaheed, just a victim of heinous political murder set up by the Al Qaida/Talibans and an event which could have been avoided.
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